History |
Wars & Campaigns |
►Boer
War
►First
World War
►►Western
Front
►►►Trench
Warfare: 1914-1916
►►►Allied
Offensive: 1916
►►►Allied
Offensives: 1917
►►►German
Offensive: 1918
►►►Advance
to Victory: 1918
►►Siberia
►Second
World War
►►War
Against Japan
►►North
Africa
►►Italian
Campaign
►►►Sicily
►►►Southern
Italy
►►►The
Sangro and Moro
►►►Battles
of the FSSF
►►►Cassino
►►►Liri
Valley
►►►Advance
to Florence
►►►Gothic
Line
►►►Winter
Lines
►►North-West
Europe
►►►Normandy
►►►Southern
France
►►►Channel
Ports
►►►Scheldt
►►►Nijmegen
Salient
►►►Rhineland
►►►Final
Phase
►Korean
War
►Cold
War
►Gulf
War |
Operations |
|
Battle Honours |
Boer War
First World War
Western Front
Trench Warfare: 1914-1916
Allied Offensive: 1916
►Somme, 1916 |
1
Jul-18 Nov 16 |
►Albert |
.1-13
Jul 16 |
►Bazentin |
.14-17
Jul 16 |
►Pozieres |
.23
Jul-3 Sep 16 |
►Guillemont |
.3-6
Sep 16 |
►Ginchy |
.9
Sep 16 |
►Flers-Courcelette |
15-22
Sep 16 |
►Thiepval |
26-29
Sep 16 |
►Le Transloy |
.
1-18 Oct 16 |
Allied
Offensives: 1917
►Arras 1917 |
8
Apr-4 May 17 |
►Vimy, 1917 |
.9-14
Apr 17 |
►Arleux |
28-29 Apr 17 |
►Scarpe, 1917 |
.3-4
May17 |
►Hill 70 |
.15-25
Aug 17 |
►Messines, 1917 |
.7-14
Jun 17 |
►Ypres, 1917 |
..31
Jul-10 Nov 17 |
►Pilckem |
31
Jul-2 Aug 17 |
►Langemarck, 1917 |
.16-18
Aug 17 |
►Menin Road |
.20-25
Sep 17 |
►Polygon Wood |
26
Sep-3 Oct 17 |
►Broodseinde |
.4
Oct 17 |
►Poelcapelle |
.9
Oct 17 |
►Passchendaele |
.12
Oct 17 |
►Cambrai, 1917 |
20
Nov-3 Dec 17 |
German Offensive: 1918
►Somme, 1918 |
.21
Mar-5 Apr 18 |
►St. Quentin |
.21-23
Mar 18 |
►Bapaume, 1918 |
.24-25
Mar 18 |
►Rosieres |
.26-27
Mar 18 |
►Avre |
.4
Apr 18 |
►Lys |
.9-29
Apr 18 |
►Estaires |
.9-11
Apr 18 |
►Messines, 1918 |
.10-11
Apr 18 |
►Bailleul |
.13-15
Apr 18 |
►Kemmel |
.17-19
Apr 18 |
Advance to Victory: 1918
►Arras, 1918 |
.26
Aug-3 Sep 18 |
►Scarpe, 1918 |
26-30 Aug 18. |
►Drocourt-Queant |
.2-3
Sep 18 |
►Hindenburg Line |
.12
Sep-9 Oct 18 |
►Canal du Nord |
.27
Sep-2 Oct 18 |
►St. Quentin Canal |
.29
Sep-2 Oct 18 |
►Epehy |
3-5
Oct 18 |
►Cambrai, 1918 |
.8-9
Oct 18 |
►Valenciennes |
.1-2
Nov 18 |
►Sambre |
.4
Nov 18 |
►Pursuit to Mons |
.28 Sep-11Nov |
Second World War
War Against Japan
South-East Asia
Italian Campaign
Battle of Sicily
Southern
Italy
The Sangro and Moro
Battles of the FSSF
►Anzio |
22
Jan-22 May 44 |
►Rome |
.22
May-4 Jun 44 |
►Advance
|
.22
May-22 Jun 44 |
to the Tiber |
. |
►Monte Arrestino |
25
May 44 |
►Rocca Massima |
27
May 44 |
►Colle Ferro |
2
Jun 44 |
Cassino
►Cassino II |
11-18
May 44 |
►Gustav Line |
11-18
May 44 |
►Sant' Angelo in
|
13
May 44 |
Teodice |
. |
►Pignataro |
14-15 May 44 |
Liri Valley
►Hitler Line |
18-24 May 44 |
►Melfa Crossing |
24-25 May 44 |
►Torrice Crossroads |
30
May 44 |
Advance to Florence
Gothic Line
►Gothic Line |
25 Aug-22 Sep 44 |
►Monteciccardo |
27-28 Aug 44 |
►Point 204 (Pozzo Alto) |
31 Aug 44 |
►Borgo Santa Maria |
1 Sep 44 |
►Tomba di Pesaro |
1-2 Sep 44 |
Winter Lines
►Rimini Line |
14-21 Sep 44 |
►San Martino- |
14-18 Sep 44 |
San Lorenzo |
. |
►San Fortunato |
18-20 Sep 44 |
►Sant' Angelo |
11-15 Sep 44 |
in Salute |
. |
►Bulgaria Village |
13-14 Sep 44 |
►Pisciatello |
16-19 Sep 44 |
►Savio Bridgehead |
20-23
Sep 44 |
►Monte La Pieve |
13-19
Oct 44 |
►Monte Spaduro |
19-24 Oct 44 |
►Monte San Bartolo |
11-14
Nov 44 |
►Lamone Crossing |
2-13
Dec 44 |
►Capture of Ravenna |
3-4
Dec 44 |
►Naviglio Canal |
12-15 Dec 44 |
►Fosso Vecchio |
16-18 Dec 44 |
►Fosso Munio |
19-21 Dec 44 |
►Conventello- |
2-6 Jan 45 |
Comacchio |
. |
Northwest Europe
Battle of Normandy
►Quesnay Road |
10-11 Aug 44 |
►St. Lambert-sur- |
19-22 Aug 44 |
Southern France
Channel Ports
The Scheldt
Nijmegen Salient
Rhineland
►The
Reichswald |
8-13 Feb 45 |
►Waal
Flats |
8-15 Feb 45 |
►Moyland
Wood |
14-21 Feb 45 |
►Goch-Calcar
Road |
19-21 Feb 45 |
►The
Hochwald |
26
Feb- |
. |
4
Mar 45 |
►Veen |
6-10 Mar 45 |
►Xanten |
8-9
Mar 45 |
Final Phase
►The
Rhine |
23
Mar-1 Apr 45 |
►Emmerich-Hoch
|
28
Mar-1 Apr 45 |
Elten |
. |
Korean War
|
Domestic Missions |
►FLQ
Crisis |
International
Missions |
►ICCS
Vietnam 1973
►MFO
Sinai 1986- |
Peacekeeping |
►UNTEA |
W. N. Guinea 1963-1964 |
►ONUCA |
C. America
1989-1992 |
►UNTAC |
Cambodia
1992-1993 |
►UNMOP |
Prevlaka
1996-2001 |
|
Exercises |
|
Operation TIMBERWOLF
(Note:
this article describes the planning and execution of Operation TIMBERWOLF,
the administrative move of I Canadian Corps to Italy in 1943-44. The
move of the Corps to North-West Europe in 1945 was known as Operation
GOLDFLAKE.)
The original intent of
both the Canadian government and the Canadian Army overseas was to
release forces from the 1st Canadian Army in the United Kingdom for
Operation HUSKY (the invasion of Sicily) and then return them to the
U.K. at the completion of the operation, bringing with them much-needed
battle experience. On 28 June 1943, both the 1st Canadian Division and
1st Canadian Armoured Brigade were earmarked for return to the U.K. in
this manner. However, other formations were later selected to return and
the Canadians were chosen to remain in theatre. The division's
commander, Major-General Guy Simonds, requested clarification in
mid-October 1943 as to the future of Canadian employment in Italy. Among
other considerations was the necessity of moving the Canadian
reinforcement base from North Africa to Italy should the Canadian
presence be prolonged.
The directive under which
Canadians were operating had only authorized employment in operations
"from or based on North Africa", a situation later defined to include
those operations across the Messina straits in the extreme south of
Italy. Behind the scenes, Operation TIMBERWOLF, a project to send a
Canadian corps headquarters to the Mediterranean, had been in progress
for over two months. Colonel Ralston, the Canadian Minister of National
Defence, had met with British officials in August 1943 to discuss the
matter, including the British Prime Minister and Chief of the Imperial
General Staff. The matter was discussed formally in consultations prior
to the QUADRANT Conference at Québec. The Prime Minister conveyed his
request to the British Chiefs of Staff, who felt it not practical due to
the shipping capacity necessary to take a Canadian division and corps
troops to Italy, in light of the pending build-up of American forces in
Britain and the need for resources it would require.
This decision was
confirmed by a telegram from (Prime Minister) Churchill to (Prime
Minister) King on 19 September conveying a negative reply to the
Canadian Government's request, on the grounds that the movement of
Canadian troops to Italy would "involve disturbing decisions taken
as recent[ly] as Quebec Conference without any military
justification which was not valid when Conference took place." The
Canadian Government did not yet give up hope (its experience in
getting the 1st Division to the Mediterranean had shown what may be
accomplished by perseverance). On the last day of September the
Canadian High Commissioner, Mr. Vincent Massey, asked Mr. Churchill
whether the British decision might be reconsidered, and was told: "I
will have another try."1
On 7 October, the British
C.I.G.S. informed the Canadian senior combatant officer, General
McNaughton, that the question was being re-opened, and examined on a
basis of an exchange of personnel only - XXX Corps headquarters, Corps
Troops, and the 7th Armoured Division would leave their equipment in
Italy and only the personnel would return to the U.K., in exchange for
the men of a Canadian Corps headquarters, Corps Troops, and division.
McNaughton endorsed sending an armoured division after some discussion,
and the I Canadian Corps and 5th Canadian (Armoured) Division were
selected to go to Italy. Facing the possibility of the Army headquarters
in England being broken up as now surplus to needs, but eager after four
years of relative inactivity to become more involved in the prosecution
of the war beyond a purely defensive role, the government agreed to send
the corps to Italy. In the event, 1st Canadian Army went to Normandy,
with a mix of Canadian, British and other foreign formations under
command, just as the British 8th Army had been a cosmopolitan mix of
nationalities during its existence. However, McNaughton had been adamant
that Canada should end the war with a national army intact, and made his
views known, suggesting that if the government decided to disperse the
army, as was being considered, even after the invasion of northern
Europe, that he might no longer be the right person for the job of
senior commander. "This fundamental difference of opinion certainly
contributed to producing his retirement before the end of the year."2
Reaction among senior
commanders was cool. General Eisenhower, commanding Allied forces in the
Mediterranean, gave a qualified approval, based on the fact that
shipping already being used to relocate American and British resources
would be used, and impacts on the build-up for the invasion of northern
Europe would be minimal. Eisenhower expressed a concern that he would be
pressured to get the Canadians into action at an early date, and General
Alexander, commanding the Army Group administering both Allied armies in
Italy (U.S. 5th and 8th British 8th), complained to the C.I.G.S. that
there was already too much armour in Italy than could be usefully
employed, and he had no use for another corps headquarters, which would
unbalance his order his battle.3
Order of
Battle: TIMBERWOLF Forces
Once the decision had
been made, the move proceeded quickly. The proposed force in
Italy, as envisioned at the start of October 1943, would be a "balanced
Corps" consisting of:
-
1st Canadian Division
-
5th Canadian (Armoured) Division
-
1st Canadian Armoured Brigade
-
hospitals on an appropriate scale
-
Corps troops and rear echelon units as
required
The code name TIMBERWOLF
was adopted for the move on 9 October. Security was tight; although the
Italian Navy was no longer a threat in the Mediterranean, German
submarines and aircraft were, and a new threat from radio-controlled
glider-bombs had appeared at the end of August 1943. Embarking units
were put into communication blackout and unit and formation insignia was
removed from uniforms. Farewell parties were forbidden, and the use of
coded markings on baggage (using unit serial numbers and colour-coded
bars) was used rather than the use of names.
Some 200 Canadian units,
spread across Surrey, Sussex and Hampshire, moved from the U.K. to
Italy. The detailed order of battle of the TIMBERWOLF force included
four main groups:
-
5th Canadian (Armoured) Division (15,000
men)
-
I Canadian Corps Troops (8,500 men)
-
Corps Headquarters
-
1st Armoured Car Regiment (The Royal
Canadian Dragoons)
-
1st Light Anti-Aircraft Regiment)
-
7th Anti-Tank Regiment
-
1st Survey Regiment
-
Royal Canadian Engineers - field
park company and three field companies
-
Royal Canadian Army Service Corps -
two corps troops composite companies, corps transport company,
motor ambulance convoy
-
Royal Canadian Corps of Signals -
various units
-
Royal Canadian Ordnance Corps -
various units
-
elements of Army troops (3,700 men)
-
1st Canadian Army Group Royal
Artillery (AGRA)
-
1st Medium Regiment, RCA
-
2nd Medium Regiment, RCA
-
5th Medium Regiment, RCA
-
11th Field Regiment, rCA
-
Various signal, ordnance, supply and
transport units
-
No. 3 Company, Canadian Dental Corps
(to service Army and Corps troops)
-
No. 8 Company, Canadian Dental Corps
(to service 5th Canadian (Armoured) Division)
-
elements of General Headquarters and
Line of Communications Troops (6,600 troops)
-
No. 1 Canadian General Hospital (600
beds)
-
No. 14 Canadian General Hospital
(1200 beds)
-
Other medical units, base
reinforcement depot (with four reinforcement battalions),
miscellaneous administrative units and detachments
-
Two increments to the Canadian
Sections of G.H.Q. 1st and 2nd Echelons already in theatre
Legal Status
The move of the corps
from Canadian command in the U.K. to British control required action by
the legal branch of Canadian Military Headquarters (C.M.H.Q.) in London.
While in the U.K., Canadian forces fell under the auspices of the
Visiting Forces (British Commonwealth) Act 1933, that stated all matters
of discipline, training and internal administration rested with the
Canadian government while Canadian forces served together with British
forces in the U.K.
It was now
necessary for a properly constituted military authority-in this case
General McNaughton-to issue a directive which would give the G.O.C.-in-C.
15th Army Group powers of command and discipline over the troops
concerned. Similar action had been taken with respect to the 1st
Division and the Army Tank Brigade for the Sicilian operations.
McNaughton's Order of Detail of 20 October (1943) placed all
Canadian Military Forces in the Mediterranean theatre "in
combination with all the Naval, Military and Air Forces ... of the
British Commonwealth ...serving in or based upon or operating from
the Continent of Africa ..." from the time of their embarkation in
the United Kingdom.4
The corps commander was
given the power to withdraw the Canadian force from being "in
combination" if in is opinion he were to receive orders that were not
operationally practicable or in variance with Canadian government
policy, provided that Allied forces were not endangered or "opportunity
is not lost." He was also, in the event of disagreements with the
General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of 15th Army Group, permitted to
make representations to the Canadian Government through the Senior
Combatant Officer of the Canadian Army regarding matters involving
Canadian forces under his command.
Equipment
and Administrative Status
The Canadian official
history notes drily that:
In the initial
discussions on "Timberwolf" the War Office had made the condition
that the 5th Armoured Division would take over the equipment of the
British 7th Armoured Division, which it was replacing in Italy, and
the rest of the Canadian Corps units that of the 30th Corps. It was
agreed that the Canadians would carry with them only their personal
arms and equipment (including Bren guns and two-inch mortars). This
problem of meeting their needs, especially in vehicles, was to cause
considerable trouble before it was finally settled.5
Another history notes
that:
As the First
Division had discovered earlier, British vehicles that had come
through the desert campaign were on their last legs, or wheels, by
the time they were handed over to the Canadians. The 7th Division's
history candidly admits that many of these vehicles had been
second-hand acquisitions in early 1943. Moreover, the 7th had
swapped some of its better vehicles for the wrecks of other Eighth
Army formations. The situation was exacerbated by a shortage of
tools and spare parts...At Fifth Division headquarters,
Lieutenant-Colonel J.L. Sparling ruefully noted that "the
non-runners almost exceeded the runners."6
Allied Force Headquarters
had noted early on that British equipment being transferred from XXX
Corps was "heavily depleted and almost fully mortgaged as reserves
for the British forces now engaged on the mainland." (The equipment
itself was located on the island of Sicily where XXX Corps was preparing
for its departure for the U.K.) There was a further concern raised that
the equipment used by the British 7th Armoured did not correspond with
types used by Canadian armoured divisions, necessitating a period of
training - for example, wireless equipment. An administrative necessity
also meant that non-divisional troops had to disembark in North Africa,
with a delay before their shipment to Italy, with priority of shipping
going to men reinforcing combat units in the field and troops for the
lines of communication.
At the time of TIMBERWOLF,
Canadian forces in the Mediterranean were already widely dispersed:
-
1st Canadian Division - in combat near
Campobasso
-
1st Canadian Armoured Brigade - also in
combat near Campobasso
-
Canadian Section, General Headquarters,
1st Echelon - near Santo Spirito (near Bari) close to 15th Army
Group H.Q.
-
Canadian Section, General Headquarters,
2nd Echelon - Phillippeville, North Africa
-
Base Reinforcement Depot -
Phillippeville, North Africa
-
No. 14 Canadian General Hospital -
Phillippeville, North Africa
The administrative
problems caused by the arrival of 1st Canadian Corps, and in particular
the task of re-equipping units, would be exacerbated by wider dispersal
of Canadian units and therefore efforts were made to alleviate these
problems. "The situation could best be met by concentrating all the
Canadian administrative services and maintaining them under a single
direction." The officer in charge of the Canadian Section, G.H.Q. 1st
Echelon, was accredited to the headquarters of 15th Army Group, but
physically located at the new advanced headquarters of Allied Force H.Q.
in Naples. They were charged with relieving the 1st Canadian Corps
headquarters of non-operational tasks.
The dispatch of
additional Canadian forces to Italy necessitated the organization of
a second base reinforcement depot of four battalions. It also led to
the concentration in the Naples area of the majority of the Canadian
reinforcement units in the theatre, thereby ending the delays which
a shortage of shipping had imposed upon the movement forward of
reinforcements from No. 1 Depot near Philippeville. To control the
two Depots and other base units, Headquarters No. 1 Base
Reinforcement Group was formed, under the command of Brigadier E. W.
Haldenby. The two new headquarters and two of the battalions of No.
2 Depot sailed direct to Naples (Nos. 7 and 8 Battalions spent a
month near Algiers en route). The Canadian 2nd Echelon moved from
Philippeville early in December, to be followed by No. 1 Depot. By
January the entire Canadian Base Reinforcement Group (less No. 4
Battalion, which was operating as an advanced reinforcement base)
had been brought together at Avellino, 35 miles east of Naples.
Map based on image from Appendix "C",
Canadian Military Headquarters Report No. 170 "Operation Timberwolf: The
Movement of I Canadian Corps to the Mediterranean, 1943" (Historical
Section, Canadian Military Headquarters, 10 Feb 1947)
The actual movement of
the Corps began well in advance of preparations to receive them. The
corps commanders and advance headquarters of 30 officers and N.C.O.s
moved to Algiers by air on 24 October to meet the rest of the advance
party. TIMBERWOLF troops embarked at Liverpool, Glasgow and Gourock from
23 to 26 October and the 24-ship convoy (most of them U.S. transports)
rendezvoused in the Clyde, departing the evening of 27 October. The
convoy was transited the Gibraltar straits on 4 November after a wide
course through the North Atlantic, and on 6 November was attacked by
German torpedo bombers north of Philippeville, hitting three ships. S.S.
Santa Elena, with 1,800 Canadian personnel, was forced to abandon
ship, and survivors were taken aboard S.S. Monterey, already
carrying most of the 11th Infantry Brigade, and U.S. destroyers.7
"The crew of the
Santa Elena did not not know how to release the boats, so,
directed by Matron Blanche Herman of Lunenburg, the nurses knocked
the oars free of the falls, and, singing their hearts out took over
the oars and pulled asay." From the bridge, someone ordered the
nurses to be quiet, which struck Lieutenant Duncan Fraser as rather
odd. "It seemed unlikely that a bunch of Canadian nurses would add
much to the clamour when our gun crew was trying to shoot down a
German aircraft with the aft four inch gun, and all the ships in the
convoy were tearing the night apart with anti-aircraft fire." There
was, happily, no loss of life among the Canadians.8
Santa Elena was
put under tow but sank less than a day later. Three German bombers were
claimed by the anti-aircraft gunners of the convoy (two other ships,
neither carrying Canadians, had also been sunk). While no Canadians were
lost, personal equipment and kit was lost. The Monterey was
unable to dock at Philippeville due to rough seas, and went to Naples
instead. The convoy split up and continued to August, Palermo and
Naples. The majority of Army and Corps troops went to the two ports on
Sicily. Temporary headquarters of the 1st Canadian Corps was established
in Taormina at the San Domenico Palace Hotel, previously a German
headquarters, then used as an H.Q. by the 50th (Northumbrian) Division
and then XXX Corps. The hotel overlooked Mount Etna and the
Mediterranean. The 5th Canadian (Armoured) Division and G.H.Q. units
unloaded at Naples, arriving on the John Ericsson and the Thurston on 8 November, and
the Monterey on 10 November. Divisional H.Q. was established in
Afragola while the men set up in a transit area on the road to Caserta,
where both hospitals and attached units were set up (and a third
hospital arrived in January).
Personnel of Headquarters Company, No.2
Canadian Base Reinforcement Depot who survived the sinking of S.S.
Santa Elena disembark at
Naples, Italy, on 8 November 1943. In the foreground is an Auxiliary
Services officer wearing the sleeve insignia of The Salvation
Army. LAC photo
By 15 November, the G.O.C.
of the 5th Canadian Division noted that he was anxious to get away from
the squalid suburbs of Naples, which he thought depressing and
inappropriate for training. A concentration area at Altamura, 28 miles
south-west of Bari.
(B)ut before the Division could move, it had to take over the
vehicles and
equipment of the British 7th Armoured Division. The transfer was made
during the third
week of November, and in the process the misgivings with which Canadian
units had
parted with their vehicles before leaving England proved fully
justified.
Most of the equipment (except tanks, which were to be supplied by
Headquarters 15th
Army Group under a different plan) changed hands directly between the
units concerned,
the 11th Canadian Brigade taking over from the 131st Brigade, and the
5th Canadian
Armoured Brigade from the 22nd Armoured Brigade.
It was soon seen that
there were
problems of establishment to be settled. Differences existed between the
scales and types of equipment as prescribed for Canadian armoured
divisions and their British
counterparts in the Middle East, and the situation was further
complicated by the fact
that the 7th Armoured Division during its many months of fighting with
the Eighth Army
had devised substitutions and improvements in the official scale of both
personnel and
vehicles to such an extent that Canadians trying to make an accounting
during the take
over reported despairingly that "the `Desert Rats' have a War
Establishment all their
own." Thus, in many cases the vehicles received from the British
formations were found
to be in excess of normal establishments, and the Canadian units were
unable to man
these with their existing driver strength.
There was more serious ground for complaint, however, with respect to
the type and
the condition of the vehicles. In the first place, the proportion of
transport with two-wheel
drive was unsatisfactorily high. Such equipment might well serve on the
dry and level
desert; but the prospect of facing the mountain grades and winter mud of
Italy without their
accustomed four-wheel drives was as displeasing to the units of the 5th
Division as it had
been to those of the infantry division when re-equipping for Operation
"Baytown". There
was greater dissatisfaction over the unserviceable condition of a large
number of the
vehicles relinquished by the 7th Armoured Division. Diaries of the
Canadian units
concerned are uniformly critical of the lack of battleworthiness or even
roadworthiness of
their acquisitions; indeed the 7th Division's own published history
remarks that some of its
"vehicles had been with the division since the previous February [1943],
when they had
been obtained second hand from 4th Indian Division. Several thousand
miles, mostly over
open desert, had not subsequently improved them." "It is true", wrote
General Simonds to
the Canadian Corps Commander, "that the 7 Armd Div landed at Salerno
with this same
transport, but they had been told that providing their vehicles were
good for 2000 miles
they should not worry. Most of these same vehicles have now done well
over 3000 miles
since landing." To make matters worse, it appears that a natural
spirit of camaraderie
among the veterans of the desert fighting had led to extensive
unofficial "swapping" of the
7th Armoured Division's better vehicles for the worst in other units and
formations of the
Eighth Army, these latter finishing up in the hands of the Canadians.
There was an almost
complete lack of tools, and the problem of the supply of spare parts
promised to be
seriously complicated by the discovery that the resourceful mechanics of
the Eighth Army had been in the
habit of "cannibalizing" transport of different makes, in order to
produce from two or more broken-down vehicles one that was reasonably
roadworthy.9
Noteworthy was the fact
that it required more transport room to get ammunition and petrol to the
Shermans of the 7th Armoured, than the equivalent number of vehicles in
the 5th Canadian (Armoured) Division, who had trained on the Ram tank
and based their establishments on those vehicles. The use of two-wheel
drive vehicles did not prove to be problematic in the 1st Canadian
Infantry Division because sufficient four-wheel drive vehicles also
existed to assist in pulling them out of trouble when necessary. General
Simonds, who commanded the 1st Infantry Division in action in Sicily and
southern Italy, and now commanded the 5th Armoured, gave the opinion
that at least half his transport would need to be four-wheel drive to
prevent the division from being immobile in wet conditions.
The move from Naples to
Altamura - across the peninsula - resulted in a string of breakdowns;
the 11th Brigade spent three weeks recovering all the mechanical
failures. Representations to both 15th Army Group and A.F.H.Q. produced
no results; there were no spare vehicles anywhere in theatre to replace
the worn-out desert veterans. On 2 December, the Minister of National
Defence visited and proposed that new vehicles earmarked for 1st
Canadian Corps Troops be used for the 5th Canadian (Armoured) Division,
an idea rejected by the corps commander.
On
his arrival at
Algiers he had discovered that the original agreement reached with the
War Office, by
which the Canadian Corps Troops should be re-equipped from the 30th
Corps, was
without practical basis, as indeed General Eisenhower had already
pointed out. The
British Corps had landed in Sicily with many of its units equipped on
only assault or light
scales, and these had not subsequently received their full normal issue
of vehicles and
stores. Vehicle mortality and deterioration during "Husky" had
outstripped programmes
of replacement and repair, and stocks remaining at the conclusion of the
campaign had
been turned in for overhaul and dispatch to meet the needs of the Eighth
Army on the
mainland. A.F.H.Q could make no stocks of vehicles or other equipment
in North
Africa available to replace this almost total deficiency. Indeed,
Canadian staff officers in
conversation with their British "opposite numbers" at Algiers and in
Sicily had
found a marked lack of enthusiasm towards the forthcoming arrival of the
Canadian
Corps in the Mediterranean. "Their reaction was one of surprise that we
should be
coming at all, and incredulity that we should be coming almost
completely unequipped."10
In September and October,
8th Army's problems were compounded by a lack of base workshops - worn
engines had to be shipped 2,000 miles to Egypt for reconditioning.
Allied Force Headquarters
now asked the War Office to provide vehicles to equip the 1st Canadian
Corps Troops, and C.M.H.Q. was in turn asked to do so, Canadian vehicle
types being considered more appropriate for Canadian units.
To meet the situation A.F.H.Q. asked the War Office to provide from the
United
Kingdom the vehicles required to equip the 1st Canadian Corps Troops.
The request was
passed to C.M.H.Q. "on the grounds that if complete vehicles are to be
from the U.K.,
Canadian types would be more suitable for [Canadian] units." C.M.H.Q.
had already
undertaken to provide vehicles for the returning British units, and the
3350 which
General McNaughton immediately made available were credited against this
commitment.
This was the transport which General Crerar was determined should be
held intact for
equipping his Corps units, in spite of the difficulties which were being
encountered by
the 5th Armoured Division. He set forth his reasons for this decision in
a letter to
Brigadier Beament on 11 December:
The basis we are now working on is that agreed to by Gale with me in
Algiers and on the
conditions which Gale assured me obtained, i.e., that A.F.H.Q. had the
means available, in this theatre,
adequately to equip 5 Cdn Armd Div. but that Corps Troops would need to
obtain their M.T. from the
U.K. I desire to stand on that policy until it is proved, quite
definitely, that it is impossible for A.F.H.Q.
to produce for Simonds the . . . vehicles, weapons, etc., which I was
assured could be made available.
There is danger in switching M.T. from Corps Troops to 5 Cdn Armd Div
because the result may well
be that a reason can thus be found to delay the formation of 1 Cdn Corps
owing to the non-equipment of
one or more Corps Troops units which Army or Army Group may then say are
essential for the purpose.
To General Simonds he wrote:
Gale is fully aware of the political importance attached to the
re-equipment of the Canadian
formations . . . as well as knowing the military implications. He is
also in a position to do what is required about the situation.
The Corps Commander had decided wisely. At the end of the year Simonds
was to
report: "Eighth Army have `turned on the heat' for us and controlled
stores to complete
our W.E. are flowing through fairly well. We have been given 97 new
engines for vehicles ...."11
The 5th Division's tanks
took longer. General McNaughton had insisted the division have Sherman
tanks with 75mm guns. General Simonds was given the choice of accepting
95 Shermans from the 7th Armoured with diesel engines or accepting new
tanks from North Africa with Chrysler engines, and the latter was
chosen, a delivery rate of 50 per week beginning in December promised.
In the event, the first two Shermans did not arrive until 19 December
(going to the Governor General's Horse Guards), and only a few tanks
would arrive in the next weeks due to shipping difficulties.12
The Governor General's Horse Guards was the only Canadian unit to
completely equip with the Sherman I and II.13
Once the decision had
been made to send 3,350 vehicles to equip the corps troops with motor
transport from the U.K., space was found in three convoys, and the move
of the vehicles went smoothly and by the end of January 1944, with the
exception of some technical vehicles, all Corps Troops units had
received their vehicles. Equipment involved a canvas of resources
through the entire Mediterranean theatre, the keenest necessity being
guns for the artillery units. The 2nd and 5th Medium Regiments did not
receive guns until late February 1944, and only partial allotments,
filling their establishments only in April, at about the same time the
7th Anti-Tank Regiment equipped with M-10 self-propelled guns.
Summary of Re-Equipment Programme
Percentage of War Establishment held as of 10 February 1944
1st Canadian Corps Artillery14
Unit |
"B" Vehicles |
Signals
Equipment |
Warlike
Stores |
G1098
Stores |
Guns |
Remarks |
1 Cdn Med Regt |
100% |
75% |
80% |
75% |
100% |
Only 5 guns out
of 16 in action; 3-ton Lorries, GS held are 4x2's (i.e.
two-wheel drive), 4x4's are essential |
2 Cdn Med Regt |
98% |
80% |
40% |
50% |
|
|
5 Cdn Med Regt |
98% |
100% |
100% |
100% |
|
|
7 Cdn A-Tk Regt |
98% |
75% |
47% |
50% |
100% |
Complete in
quantities but NOT in types |
1 Cdn LAA Regt |
98% |
75% |
64% |
50% |
100% |
|
11 Cdn LAA Regt |
98% |
80% |
52% |
50% |
100% |
9 short but 9
guns held this area for this unit. |
1 Cdn Svy Regt |
98% |
90% |
90% |
50% |
|
|
With these and certain other exceptions-notably in motorcycles and
signal stores-the
equipment of Canadian troops in Italy had in general been brought up to
at least local
standards by the end of January. Although complaints about deficiencies
continued, these
were common to all units in the Mediterranean theatre-which was
beginning to feel more
and more keenly the effect of the priority being given to the needs of
the approaching
invasion of North-West Europe.15
Commanders
General Guy Simonds, as
noted above, had commanded the 1st Canadian Infantry Division on Sicily
and in Southern Italy. His transfer to gain command of an armoured
division was first suggested to General McNaughton by the commander of
the 8th Army, General Montgomery, who spoke in glowing terms of Simonds
and the way he handled the operations of the division as a formation of
XXX Corps and 8th Army, and considered him a prime candidate for
eventual promotion to corps command himself.
General McNaughton initially
thought that the transfer of Simonds out of the 1st Division would be an
ideal opportunity for General Crerar to gain operational experience, as
to that point in the war, he had not yet commanded a field formation.
Crerar was Senior Combatant Officer at C.M.H.Q. between October and July
1939, then Vice Chief of the General Staff and Chief of the General
Staff before being appointed as General Officer Commanding I Canadian
Corps in April 1942. At the time of the discussion of the transfer of
Simonds to an armoured division, TIMBERWOLF was not yet contemplated,
meaning Simonds' move back to the U.K. to lead a division not then
anticipated to see action for some time would reflect poorly in the eyes
of the Canadian public and do little service to the work done by Simonds
in action. As the situation regarding TIMBERWOLF evolved, the ability of
Crerar to go to Italy as a corps commander for operational experience
was made apparent.
The matter came up again at
the end of October, on the occasion of Crerar's first meeting with
General Montgomery in Italy. His directive from General McNaughton had
enjoined him to request the 15th Army Group that all Canadian formations
and units then in Sicily and Italy be brought together under his command
in the 1st Canadian Corps at the earliest convenient date. Montgomery,
however, frankly stated that he did not want another corps set up in
Italy, and proposed instead that Crerar should take over command of the
1st Canadian Division and turn his back, for the time being, on
Headquarters 1st Canadian Corps and the problems of equipping the Corps
Troops and the 5th Canadian Armoured Division. But the circumstances in
which General Crerar might have become G.O.C. 1st Canadian Division had
changed materially during the past month, and the proposal was one which
his present instructions did not permit him to accept.16
The 5th Canadian (Armoured)
Division was therefore taken under command by Major-General Guy Simonds;
for the actual move to Italy (where Simonds was already located), the
division was commanded temporarily by Brigadier R.O.G. Morton, the
division's Commander, Royal Artillery. The 11th Infantry Brigade also
received a new commander, Brigadier George Kitching, who had previously
been a General Staff Officer Grade 1 in the 1st Canadian Infantry
Division. Brigadier G.R. Bradbrooke, commanding the 5th Armoured Brigade
for a year, would only continue in his post until February 1944 when
Brigadier J.D.B. Smith took over, and Brigadier Morton was also replaced
as CRA at the end of 1943 by Brigadier H.A. Sparling.
The new command arrangements
were not without problems. When I Canadian Corps finally became
operational on 1 February 1944 (marking the first time in the war that a
Canadian corps was active in the field), Crerar's personality
immediately clashed with both his division commanders (Vokes of the 1st
Division and Simonds of the 5th Armoured).17
The subject of his command had
already brought him into disagreement with his superior, General
Montgomery, the previous autumn, when the latter suggested giving Vokes
a break from commanding the 1st Division in order that Crerar might get
his feet wet in divisional command, in combat, before running a corps
operationally. Crerar did not acquiesce and "Montgomery, in a fit of
pique, refused Crerar permission to visit (8th) army headquarters."18
The two would later clash again in Normandy, Montgomery as commander of
21st Army Group, and Crerar as commander of 1st Canadian Army.19
Crerar argued with Simonds at
Campobasso in October, the latter believing Crerar had not wanted him
for the position of chief staff officer in the U.K. in 1942. Weeks
later, in early December, Simonds ejected a staff officer sent by Crerar
to take measurements of his command caravan. Crerar chose to "make an
issue of this incident" by writing Simonds a letter, claiming the matter
was, in his words, "a personal discourtesy", and accused Simonds of
having over-stretched nerves. Crerar then complained to Montgomery, who
stated plainly in a written response that his sympathies lay with
Simonds and he had no intention of getting involved in their dispute.20
Notes
-
Nicholson, Gerald The Canadians in Italy, 1943-1945
(Queen's Printer, Ottawa, ON, 1957), pp.340-343
-
Ibid, pp.343-344
-
Ibid, p.344
-
Ibid
-
Ibid, p.348
-
Dancocks, Daniel G.
D-Day Dodgers: The Canadians in Italy 1943-1945 (McClelland
& Stewart Inc., Toronto, ON, 1991) ISBN 0771025440 p.209
-
Nicholson, Ibid, p.352
-
Dancocks,
Ibid, p.207
-
Nicholson, Ibid, pp.355-356
-
Ibid, p.357
-
Ibid, p. 358
-
Ibid
-
Guthrie, Steve The Sherman in Canadian Service
(Service Publications, Ottawa, ON, 2002) ISBN 1-894581-14-8 p.11
-
Appendix "A", Canadian Military Headquarters
Report No. 170 "Operation Timberwolf: The
Movement of I Canadian Corps to the Mediterranean, 1943" (Historical
Section, Canadian Military Headquarters, 10 Feb 1947). "G1098 Stores"
refer to all stores and equipment indicated on the Unit Equipment
Form (in military parlance, Army Form G1098) which was the official
entitlement of each unit. "B" Vehicles are primarily
unarmoured, or "soft-skin" vehicles, though armoured half-tracks and
light reconnaissance cars such as the Humber III and Otter are also
included in this category.
-
Nicholson, Ibid, p.360
-
Ibid
-
McKay, Donald A.
Gaudeamus Igitur "Therefore
Rejoice" (Bunker to Bunker Books, Calgary, AB, 2005) ISBN
1894255534 p.88
-
Dancocks, Ibid, p.205
-
Granatstein, Jack The Generals: The Canadian Army's
Senior Commanders in the Second World War (Stoddart
Publishing Co. Ltd., Toronto, ON, 1993) ISBN 0773727302
-
Dancocks, Ibid, pp.206-207. The matter didn't end there, as Crerar
pursued his
complaints to the senior Canadian general in the U.K., General Ken
Stuart, at that time acting as the 1st Canadian Army commander
following McNaughton's resignation. Crerar even suggested to the
army's chief psychiatrist that Simonds had "marked egocenticity" and
was concerned about his fitness for command. Despite this, Simonds
went on to command II Canadian Corps under Crerar in Normandy, and
even became acting commander of 1st Canadian Army in Northwest
Europe when Crerar fell ill later in the campaign. Crerar saw
to it, however, that immediately after the war, Simonds was not
selected for Chief of the General Staff.
|